E.M.'s Alexandrian Law Review

Article 3:

Coming soon: His Majesty, Employee

On Ayatha v. Rex




Article 2:

Focus of Harm: A Deeper Look at Entreaty I

Focus of Harm

The Chancery's Majority in Entreaty I: Question One considered whether relief in Alexandrian law is available to injured parties outside the borders of Alexandria. Smallfries C., joined by Juniperfig H.C., in pithy order, set down their rule: "Any action which sees the principal portion of its harm located within the borders of Alexandria may be granted relief[.]" This sophisticated and rich principle merits discussion.


Damages are about Order, not Restoration

The Majority held that extending the reach of Alexandrian courts' remedies to injuries occurring entirely in the Outback consists of "claim[ing] territory where no previous Government action supports this claim." The Chancery goes on to qualify, however, that actions originating in the Outback are not "forever and always free from consequences within civilized society." If nothing else, the Majority invokes the language of public law. An action that can give rise to "consequences" from "civilized society" is one that is typically criminal, or, at the very least, imposed by the force of government.


It's fitting, then, that the rule only applies when a harm has been caused principally within our nation's borders. The effect of the rule is not to disincent the causing of harm in general: it's to disincent harm being caused in Alexandria.


In this way the Chancery has decisively weighed-in on the contours of our nation's laws. The purpose of law — both public and private1 — in the context of the harm principle is to deter. The alternative, that the law is intended to ameliorate wrongs, would have permitted the Chancery to adjudicate even in contractual disputes, between citizens, whose effects occurred entirely in the Outback. This is clearly inconsistent with majority's rule and thus cannot be the law in Alexandria.


In Favour of a Restorative Approach

A reimagined restorative harm principle would not focus on the location of the harm, but on who suffered it. If the injured party is subject to the protection of Alexandrian law, or has consented to contractual protections with a party also subject to our law, then the court's ability to adjudicate should attach regardless of where the harm principally manifested. This principle is likewise purposively consistent with the Constitution’s orientation toward persons and rights.2


The reimagined approach also avoids the (physical, but not legal) arbitrariness of dividing harm across borders. Under the territorial harm principle, what justice is done between the parties by a rule which excludes extra-Alexandrian adjudication? And, though I do not seek to critique what is a necessarily "unrefined and novel" principle, might this rule also prevent parties whose contracts have explicitly selected Alexandria as their litigation forum (but whose effects are otherwise contained in the Outback) from bringing their matter before Alexandrian courts?


It's in this way that a restorative harm principle, focused on whom, rather than where, an injury occurred, might align best with the spirit of our Constitutionally-flavoured common law and protect the freedom to contract.


1. The focus of harm rule applies to the court's powers over public and private law: See, e.g., the Majority's reference to theft (a public law offense) and breach of contract (a private law wrong) in the same breath: "An individual raiding an Outback base or stealing materials from another in the Outback likely should not be tried in Alexandria for those acts. However, a contract being violated where the aggrieved party operates their end of the bargain in Alexandria can."


2. I pause to note that I do not intend to argue that the Constitution is binding over private or contract law. Only that, as our system's foundational document, it can be looked to as a purposive interpretive aid for common law principles like the focus of harm.




Article 1:

Exceptional According to Whom: A Commentary on Section 19 of the Constitution

Introduction

Section 19 of the Constitution of Alexandria defines the role of the Monarch in ceremonial terms. Among the Monarch's duties is the granting of royal assent, which may only be refused or delayed “in exceptional circumstances." This provision raises an important interpretive question: who determines whether the circumstances are exceptional? This article argues that, by the structure and wording of s. 19, it is a matter of trite law that it is the Prime Minister, and not the Monarch, who determines whether “exceptional circumstances” have occurred sufficient to deprive a bill of Royal Assent.


Section 19

The operative language of s. 19 reads: “The Monarch is a King or Queen who acts on the lawful and reasonable advice of the government of the day, and may only in exceptional circumstances refuse or delay actions as advised, with the understanding that any such actions must align with the Constitution and established legal principles.” This sentence contains three components relevant to this analysis:

1. The general rule that the Monarch acts on executive advice;

2. The exception that refusal or delay is permitted only in “exceptional circumstances”; and,

3. A limitation that any refusal or delay must be consistent with law.

Critically, the phrase “refuse or delay actions as advised” binds the exceptional circumstances clause to the advice itself. On this plain reading of the text, the Monarch does not refuse assent without advice requiring his.


The Prime Minister's Role

The Prime Minister is the “chief executive of the government" (s. 7). Section 8 confirms that the Prime Minister holds office by virtue of commanding the confidence of Parliament. These provisions place the Prime Minister at the apex of the executive branch and make him a principal source of lawful (or, I submit, democratic) advice. If the Monarch must act “on the lawful and reasonable advice of the government of the day,” and if the advice is that assent be withheld on grounds deemed exceptional, it is the role of the Prime Minister to judge when an exceptional circumstance has arisen. The Monarch, as a ceremonial actor who must not “exert influence over political decisions,” cannot evaluate the substance of the advice independently without simultaneously violating s. 19.


Constitutional Coherence

Allocating interpretive authority over “exceptional circumstances” to the Prime Minister (subject to the law) accords with a fulsome and holistic reading of the Constitution. The alternative—placing this authority with the Monarch—would introduce an unelected actor into the core of the legislative process, contradicting the document’s architecture which lays out a responsible and accountable government. If withholding assent were contingent on the Monarch’s judgment, s. 19 would violate its own internal requirement of neutrality and non-intervention.


Conclusion

Section 19 does not grant the Monarch discretion to determine whether “exceptional circumstances” exist. The clause “as advised” is decisive. Exceptional circumstances are not a royal prerogative, they are an executive assessment. It is the Prime Minister, as the government’s chief executive, who identifies when conditions justify withholding assent.